Head in the Sandbox

The Information Commissioner’s Office recently held a workshop about their proposed Regulatory Sandbox. The idea of the sandbox is that organisations can come to the ICO with new proposals in order to test out their lawfulness in a safe environment. The hoped-for outcome is that products and services that are at the same time innovative and compliant will emerge.

There is no mention of a sandbox process in the GDPR or the DPA 2018. There is a formal mechanism for controllers to consult the ICO about new ideas that carry high risk (prior consultation) but the circumstances where that happens are prescribed. It’s more about managing risk than getting headlines. Unlike Data Protection Impact Assessments, prior consultation or certification, the design and operation of the sandbox is entirely within the ICO’s control. It is important to know who is having an influence its development, especially as the sandbox approach is not without risk.

Although Mrs Denham is not above eye-catching enforcement when it suits her, the ICO is often risk averse, and has shown little appetite for challenging business models. For example, the UK’s vibrant data broking market – which is fundamentally opaque and therefore unlawful – has rarely been challenged by Wilmslow, especially not the bigger players. They often get treated as stakeholders. The sandbox could make this worse – big organisations will come with their money-making wheezes, and it’s hard to imagine that ICO staff will want to tell them that they can’t do what they want. The sandbox could leave the ICO implicated, having approved or not prevented dodgy practices to avoid the awkwardness of saying no.

Even if you disagree with me about these risks, it’s surely a good thing that the ICO is transparent about who is having an influence on the process. So I made an FOI request to the ICO, requesting the names and companies or organisations of those who attended the meeting. As is tradition, they replied on the 20th working day to refuse to tell me. According to Wilmslow, disclosure of the attendees’ identities is exempt for four different reasons. Transparency will prejudice the ICO’s ability to carry out its regulatory functions, disclosure of the names of the attendees is a breach of data protection, revealing the names of the organisations will cause them commercial damage, and finally, the information was supplied with an expectation of confidentiality, and so disclosure will breach that duty.

These claims are outrageous. DPIAs and prior disclosure exist, underpinned both by the law and by European Data Protection Board guidance. Despite the obvious benefits of developing a formal GDPR certification process (both allowing controllers to have their processing assessed, and the creation of a new industry at a time when the UK needs all the economic activity it can get), the ICO’s position on certification is supremely arrogant: “The ICO has no plans to accredit certification bodies or carry out certification at this time“. A process set out in detail in the GDPR is shunned, with the ICO choosing instead to spend huge amounts of time and money on a pet project which has no legal basis. Certification could spread expertise across the UK; the sandbox will inevitably be limited to preferred stakeholders. If they’re hiding the identities of those who show up to the workshop, it’s hard to imagine that the actual process will be any more transparent.

The ICO’s arguments about commercial prejudice under S43 of FOI are amateurish: “To disclose that a company has sent delegates to the event may in itself indicate to the wider sector and therefore potential competitors that they are in development of, or in the planning stages of a new innovative product which involves personal data“. A vital principle of FOI is that when using a prejudice-based exemption, you need to show cause and effect. Disclosure will or will be likely to lead to the harm described. How on earth could a company lose money, or become less competitive, purely because it was revealed that they attended an ICO event (which is what using S43 means)?

The ICO’s personal data and confidentiality arguments are equally weak – everyone who attended the meeting would know the identities of everyone else, and all were acting in an official or commercial capacity. This was not a secret or private meeting about a specific project; anyone with an interest was able to apply to attend. Revealing their attendance is not unfair, and there is plainly a legitimate interest in knowing who the ICO is talking to about a project into which the office is putting significant resources, and which will have an impact on products or services that may affect millions of people. The determination to hide this basic information and avoid scrutiny of the sandbox process undermines the credibility of the project itself, and makes the ICO’s claim to be an effective defender of public sector transparency ever more hypocritical.

Worst of all, if disclosure of the attendees’ identity was the calamity for commercial sensitivity and personal data that the ICO claims it to be, there should be an immediate and thorough investigation of how the information I requested came to be revealed on the ICO’s website and twitter account. The entire event was recorded and a promotional video was released. Several attendees (whose names and companies I cannot be given because of confidentiality, data protection and commercial prejudice) are identified and interviewed on camera, while there are numerous shots of other attendees who are clearly identifiable. Either the ICO has betrayed the confidentiality and personal data rights of these people, putting their companies at direct commercial risk, or their FOI response is a cack-handed attempt to avoid legitimate scrutiny. Either way, I strongly recommend that the left hand and the right hand in Wilmslow make some rudimentary attempts to get to know one another.

Long ago, I was one of a number of online commentators described by the ICO’s comms people as a ‘driver of negative sentiment’. More recently, one of Denham’s more dedicated apologists accused me of being one of the regulator’s “adversaries”. I’m not a fan of the ICO, and I never have been. But this stinks. The determination to throw every conceivable exemption at a simple request to know who the ICO is talking to suggests that the office is afraid of scrutiny, afraid of having to justify what they’re doing and how they’re doing it. The incompetence of refusing to give me information that is on display on their website and Twitter account shows contempt for their obligations as an FOI regulator. The ICO has its head in the sand; as we drift out of the European mainstream into a lonely future on the fringes, their secrecy and incompetence should be matters of concern for anyone who cares about Data Protection.

Yas Queen!

One of the features of the GDPR which is superficially similar to the old Data Protection Act but turns out to be quite different is the requirement to provide information about how personal data is being used. The word ‘transparency’ is an inherent part of the GDPR first principle, whereas it was absent from the previous version. The DPA 1998 allowed data controllers to decide what information data subjects needed to know, beyond who the controller was and what purposes their data was being processed for. The GDPR has two similar but distinct lists of information that must be provided, one for where data is obtained from the subject, the other where data is obtained from somewhere else, and they dictate what must be provided in scary detail.

When I first started looking at the GDPR, it was this element that I was most sceptical about. I simply couldn’t believe that organisations would admit where they obtained data from, or how long they were going to keep it. I have an almost completed blog on the boil (stay tuned) which is about the very subject of list brokers covering up where they get personal data from and who they sell it to. So when a friend passed me the ‘Data Protection Privacy Notice for Alumni and Supporters‘ from Queen Mary (University of London), I was amazed to see a clear, transparent explanation of what data was used, for what purposes, and under what legal basis. The only problem is that some of it is bollocks, and some of it deploys an attitude to data that requires a seatbelt and a helmet.

Ironically, because it is a relatively short and easy to read document (four pages of A4 in normal font, written in human English), the nonsense leaps out at you like a chucked spear in a 1950s 3D movie. The notice asserts that for a list of purposes, the University is relying on the legal basis of legitimate interests’. The purposes include:

furthering Queen Mary’s educational and charitable mission (which includes fundraising and securing the support of volunteers

This is, of course, direct marketing. The notice then says:

We may pursue these legitimate interests by contacting you by telephone, email, post, text or social media.

Which would be a PECR breach. The University cannot send emails or texts to alumni without consent, but according to the policy, they can. Of course, some clever person (I have a list of names here) will come along and tell me that since students pay for their education, surely the University can rely on the soft opt-in? Well, for one thing, these are alumni, some of whom may have attended the University decades ago (and Queen Mary freely admits to tracking down ex-students using the Royal Mail’s Change of Address Service). For anyone who didn’t substantially pay for their degree, it doesn’t fly. Moreover, I’ve trained a lot of universities who were understandably squeamish about the idea that a qualification like a degree can be reduced to a mere commodity, like a dishwasher or a new set of tyres.

And there’s more.

If you are registered with the Telephone Preference Service (TPS) but have provided us with a telephone number, we will assume we have your consent to call you on this number until notified otherwise

No. For Pity’s Sake, No. Have the last three years of the world and his dog banging on incessantly about consent (often insisting wrongly that you always need it but OK) been for nothing? There is no such thing as assumed consent. There is no such thing as assumed consent. MATE, ARE YOU HAVING A LAUGH?

It seems odd that because Queen Mary have done something really well, I’m criticising them. To be clear, it’s one of the clearest privacy notices I have ever seen. But it’s not just the unlawful bits that stick out like Madonna’s bra (happy 60th, Your Majesty). The rest of it is, to use my favourite euphemism for this kind of thing, is bold. Students’ personal data will be retained “in perpetuity“. The data held about alumni includes “occupation, professional activities and other life achievements“, “family and spouse / partner details and your relationships with other alumni, supporters and friends” and also “financial information relating to you and your family, including data and estimations around your income, assets and potential capacity to make a gift“. If anyone from Queen Mary is reading this, my friend says not to get your hopes up.

The gleeful description of what data they hold is an amuse bouche to the relish with which Queen Mary describe their use of research. The fundraiser Stephen Pidgeon once told me with great vehemence that fundraisers  couldn’t possibly be frank about the techniques that they deploy. Queen Mary, on the other hand, have more or less had shirts made: “we may gather information about you from trusted publicly available sources to help us understand more about you as an individual and your ability to support the university in ways financial or otherwise“. They explicitly say that they do wealth screening in some cases, and have a long list of possible data sources including Companies House, company websites, “rich lists“, Factiva, Lexis Nexis, “general internet and press searches“, Who’s Who, Debretts People of Today and LinkedIn.

Because I banged on about it so loudly a year or so ago, I should be the first to point out that despite all the bollocks talked about the ICO banning wealth screening, the ICO’s enforcement against charities did not such thing: it fined a number of high-profile charities for doing wealth screening without fair processing. Ostensibly, Queen Mary are simply doing what the ICO demanded by describing the process, but I have a sneaking suspicion that some of Our Friends in Wilmslow might be surprised to see wealth screening being carried out so enthusiastically.

To be frank, I do not believe that Queen Mary can justify processing the personal data of the spouses or family members of alumni in any circumstances, unless with consent. I think it is unfair, they do not have a legitimate interest in processing the data, and it is excessive. I think they and any institution who did the same deserve to be enforced against, or at the very least they should receive a shedload of Right to Be Forgotten Requests from mischievous family members. I am also sceptical about the depth of research that may be carried out into some alumni – it’s clear that it will only be a subset of the whole, but unless we’re talking about a handful of millionaires who might well expect this kind of thing to go on, I think this document is an inadequate way to meet the requirements of transparency. If a university is digging into a person’s background to this extent, it’s a form of processing that a person should directly know about and have a right to prevent. My friend only read this document because she’s in the business – Queen Mary should tell people if they’re subject to this level of profiling.

I know some fundraising consultants who will take issue with this and to be clear, I am not dogmatically saying that QM can’t do this. But seriously, can they do this? Is this what the brave new world of GDPR is all about? My instinct is HELL NO WITH AN AIRHORN FOR EMPHASIS but it would be hilarious if I was wrong, and the GDPR really doesn’t dent this kind of activity. I write this solely to see what other people think. Do you think this kind of thing is OK?

I don’t have a dynamite conclusion to this blog. I could kiss the person who wrote this privacy notice because it’s so plain and well-written, and yet the approach to consent and PECR is so misbegotten, I think whoever came up with it should be cast out into the Cursed Earth without a backwards glance. I don’t believe that Queen Mary can possibly justify the amount of data that they propose to process and the purposes for which they think legitimate interests is an adequate umbrella. But at the same time, the ICO looked at precisely this kind of activity and only really complained about the lack of transparency, which isn’t a problem here. All I can say for certain is that other people are going to get the fundamentals so enthusiastically arse-about-face, and do such interesting things, I demand that they do so with the same clarity.

 

A SMALL ADVERT – if you’d like to know more about this kind of thing, I’m running courses in September and November on GDPR, marketing, how to be a DPO and other big DP issues. Some of the September courses are already full, so book now: https://2040training.co.uk/gdprcourses/

 

Live and Let Dai

To say that anything connected with GDPR is the worst example of its kind is a foolhardy business. I’ve read so many terrible articles, LinkedIn posts and Tweets about GDPR, to single any one of them out and say ‘THIS ONE IS THE WORST’ seems pointless. Most of them are bad. However, after watching 33 minutes of waffle, padding and gleefully misinformed bullshit, I am reckless enough to say that the intellectual property lawyer Dai Davis’ talk here is the worst presentation or talk I have seen about the GDPR in any format.

Admittedly, the trainer in me hated it because of the incompetence – Davis has to keep going back to the podium to change slides because he hasn’t brought a remote, and he pads the talk out with protracted questions to the audience that don’t add anything to what he is saying. When someone intelligent-sounding in the audience takes him on by asking a proper question, he runs a mile.

More seriously, a good chunk of the talk is taken up with an attempt to create a formula for how much you should spend on data protection compliance based on the likelihood of being fined. It’s an eye-catching and controversial thing to throw out in a conference, but I don’t believe even Davis knows what point he’s making. Is he really saying that a every organisation should spend a meaningless, averaged-out €2000 to comply with GDPR, or is that just a flourish? Every organisation is different to another, and will have radically different priorities and appetites for risk, so trying to create a standardised methodology is so random and unhelpful, I don’t think it’s a serious point.  Given the number of basic mistakes and baseless assertions he makes in such a short time, however, the only thing I can add to his calculations is that however much you spend on GDPR, you should probably not spend it on advice from him.

I may not have got them all, but here is as full a collection of all the blunders as I could manage:

  • Davis cannot remember how many deputies the Commissioner has, but he knows that it’s between 11 and 13. There are 3 deputies (James Dipple-Johnstone, Paul Arnold and Steve Wood); there have never been more than 3.
  • Davis consistently gets the name of the ICO wrong – it’s almost always the ‘Information Commission Office’, although he varies it at least once with ‘Information Commission Data Protection Officer’ (he wasn’t talking about their DPO). To be charitable, it might be because he’s talking quickly, but the errors are relentless. He clearly thinks that Elizabeth Denham’s job title is ‘ICO’. because he calls her this repeatedly, and talks about what he would do if he was “the ICO“.
  • He asserts that the GDPR is not a ‘step change’ from the old legislation solely because it has lots of words, even though many of those words are very similar to words in the same order in the old version
  • He notes that there has not been a GDPR fine yet. Davis was speaking on May 30th, two days after the first 72 hours to *report* a relevant breach would have elapsed.
  • He asserts several times that in theory “every single breach” has to be reported to the ICO. This is completely false. There is a specific definition of a breach in the GDPR and incidents that do not meet a certain threshold of risk do not have to be reported.
  • He says that telecoms companies had to report breaches to the ICO since 2012. Communications providers have had this duty since 2011, not just telecoms companies.
  • Davis claims that public sector bodies self-report breaches to the ICO because they have no idea about how to take a commercial risk. There is the problem that public sector bodies are not commercial organisations by and large, so that argument makes no sense, but it’s also factually incorrect. To take one example, NHS bodies (the example shouted out by an audience member) have been obliged by the operation of the Information Governance Toolkit to report breaches to the ICO since at least 1st June 2013 (I think it was actually earlier than this, but that’s the one given in a Toolkit document that Davis could have found with a single Google search if facts were something he had any curiosity about).
  • Davis claims that the ICO is not really responsible for prosecutions for S55 offences, despite talking exclusively about prosecutions that the ICO carried out.
  • He includes the prosecutions in his calculations for the risk of being fined by the ICO, seemingly unaware that fines and prosecutions are two entirely distinct activities, with S55 prosecutions being against individuals rather than organisations. Throughout, Davis talks about the ICO enforcing on ‘people’, so I don’t know if he knows that the penalties were issued against data controllers.
  • He says that there were 18000 complaints in 2016 and the ICO has done nothing about nearly all of them. As someone who thinks the ICO is crap, even I have to acknowledge that most of these complaints were resolved informally and the absence of a fine does not mean that nothing happened. In quite a few cases, the complaint would not have been valid, and so no action would be appropriate.
  • He twice says that the maximum penalty for a breach under the DPA 1998 was £5,000,000; it was £500,000.
  • He quotes the head of the ICO’s ‘Breach Notification Division’, which does not exist.
  • He claims that the GDPR contains more loopholes that requires the ICO to hire criminal lawyers. The standard of evidence for a GDPR breach is balance of probabilities, and GDPR removes the requirement to prove damage or distress for a monetary penalty.
  • He says the ICO has 700 staff – they haven’t recruited these staff yet.
  • He tells a story of how he tells his hotel clients (who, if they exist, have my pity) that they cannot claim to be GDPR compliant because they use “mobile telephones” and allow their staff to send text messages. According to Davis, it is impossible to use mobile phones securely.

At the point where Davis says “smart lawyers like me“, my jaw did not drop, it fell off.

Leaving aside how garbled and smug Davis’ performance is, you might wish to charitable and take on his central thesis – that you probably won’t get a GDPR fine. He’s right. There have been relatively few penalties under Data Protection thus far and so the risk of getting one is relatively small. I cannot disagree with this banal point because I have made it myself any times. However, I can’t tell if his conclusion is simply that nobody should bother complying or whether there would have been a ‘however, you should comply because…’ moment, because there isn’t a conclusion. Presumably because he has run out of time, Davis just stops. So what, Dai? What’s your point? What should the audience do with this information? Should they just ignore GDPR?  There’s definitely a sense of this when he says that 10 years from now, the owner of a B&B will not know what GDPR is.

If Davis had the guts or the discipline to get to a conclusion that GDPR doesn’t matter, that would have been something. His contempt for detail would still be an impediment, but ‘Ignore GDPR’ is an assertion worth tackling. I could counter by arguing that the threat of a fine isn’t a good reason to comply, but respecting human dignity and avoiding harm to real people though inaccuracy, intrusion and insecurity is, but Davis never stops circling the airport, so I don’t even know if that’s what he’s saying.

If his contention that organisations don’t have the ability to measure risk effectively and need to get GDPR in perspective, that’s actually a good point, but he makes it so incompetently that again I’m not motivated to take him on. I have grudging sympathy for the idea that reputational damage is an overhyped risk (again, it’s not a point he makes clearly), but I know that many in the Data Protection world would passionately disagree, and I suspect that they could use Facebook’s current woes as evidence that public perception over data misuse isn’t something that boardrooms can ignore.

In the end, I think Davis is a clever man pontificating about a subject he neither cares for or understands, but the danger is that people will watch the talk and be contaminated by it. You could argue that I am making it worse by drawing attention to it solely so I can take the piss. All I can say is, the talk is out there. People will see it. As this is the case, if you find his argument (such as it is) attractive, it’s worth pointing out how sloppy and ill-informed his thinking is. It’s worth asking if this is the ‘Ignore GDPR’ guy, why would you listen to him?

Cop out

On May 3rd 2018, Elizabeth Denham appeared on Channel 4 News as part of her long running commitment to generating headlines. Denham’s track record on the programme is not great – it was on the same programme in March that she adopted the interesting tactic (uniquely, as far as I can see) of informing an organisation in public and in advance that she planned to apply for a warrant to raid them, losing what might be a useful element of surprise in order to look tough in front of Jon Snow.

In the more recent interview, the Commissioner claimed that she had the power to fine directors and had done so. I made an FOI request about this, and the ICO admitted that “we do not have the power to directly fine directors“, directly contradicting what Denham said. You can tell me that ICO has the power to go after directors in limited circumstances that can result in a court issuing a fine and that must be what she meant (ICO did) but that’s not good enough. The DP regulator went on the telly and claimed to have a power she doesn’t have – it’s surely part of Denham’s job to increase understanding of Data Protection, not to muddy the waters.

In the same interview, Denham cheerily announced that she saw herself as a Sheriff of the internet. Arguably, she should be a Mountie but let’s leave that to one side. I assumed that the statement was a throwaway, not a serious statement of how Denham sees herself and her office. I was wrong. There’s a pattern. In a fawning profile by the Observer’s Carole Cadwalladr a few weeks ago, the Commissioner delivered a soundbite that I suspect is intended to epitomise the Denham Era: “Data crimes are real crimes“. And in the recently leaked DCMS Committee report into Fake News, she was at it again:

For the public, we need to be able to understand why an individual sees a certain ad. Why does an individual see a message in their newsfeed that somebody else does not see? We are really the data cops here. We are doing a data audit to be able to understand and to pull back the curtain on the advertising model around political campaigning and election

I think the misleading impression being created here could attract the label ‘fake news’ just as much as any of the internet nonsense Denham and her fanbase are supposedly against. Data crimes are usually not real crimes, and in most cases, the ICO are not the cops. The GDPR doesn’t make anything a criminal offence, and the offences under the Data Protection Act 2018, like those in its predecessor the 1998 Act, are specific. It’s a criminal offence to take, procure or sell personal data without the permission of the data controller; it’s an offence to re-identify depersonalised data (in circumstances so tightly defined I doubt there will be a successful prosecution), and it can be an offence to oblige someone to make a subject access request. Admittedly, the DPA 2018 is stricter in this area – offences under the DPA 1998 were not recordable so you wouldn’t get a criminal record if you committed them, a position that is sensibly reversed in the new version.

However, in some circumstances, the DPA 2018 is less oriented towards offences than the  DPA 1998. A breach of an Enforcement or Information Notice is no longer subject to prosecution, being punishable by a penalty instead. That might result in stricter punishments, but that depends on Wilmslow showing a willingness to use the powers, and in any case, it’s not a criminal sanction. The much-vaunted criminal prosecution of SCL by the Commissioner over David Carroll’s subject access request is doomed in my opinion, but if it goes ahead, it will almost certainly be the last prosecution for a breach of a notice. None of the DP offences are punishable with prison, and for all Denham’s bluster about being a data cop, she never publicly applies the pressure for custodial sentences. For all his faults, her predecessor Christopher Graham never missed an opportunity to do so.

If Facebook willingly shared its customers personal data with Cambridge Analytica, it would not be a criminal offence. If they reused their customers’ data and sold it to list brokers, it would not be a criminal offence. As drafted, the ‘victim’ of most data protection offences would be the data controller, not the person whose data is misappropriated, sold or misused. Denham wants to conjure up images of cops and robbers, but she’s misleading the public. Who knows, maybe she doesn’t want people to realise that the only sanction for the majority of data transgressions are monetary penalty that she has the power to approve. Maybe she means ‘data crimes should be real crimes‘, but if that’s the case, that what she should say instead of giving the wrong impression.

There’s another problem. By setting herself up as the Internet Sheriff, Denham is creating expectations I don’t believe she’s prepared to meet. In all her public appearances, the Commissioner is clearly trying to mark out the internet and new technology as her manor. Supporters like Cadwalladr are only too happy to play along. The Observer piece contains a brief but devastating verdict on thirty or so years of ICO work and four previous Commissioners: “a somewhat dusty regulator dealing in a niche topic“. I’m the last person to defend the ICO, but this writes off Wilmslow’s endeavours on phone hacking, union blacklisting, the lost HMRC data disks and many DP and PECR fines which even I can’t deny have changed behaviour for the better in many sectors. I can’t say that Denham endorses this trashing of her predecessors’ efforts, but she hasn’t repudiated it either. What must her staff think of it?

Strip away the recent headlines for prosecutions and £500,000 fines that haven’t actually happened yet, and Denham’s record is hardly the Data Protection equivalent of Wyatt Earp taking on the Clantons. When dealing with the misuse of 1.6 million people’s data by the Royal Free Hospital and the AI company owned by Google (exactly the kind of tech territory we’re supposed to believe she wants to police), Denham’s ICO asked the Royal Free to sign an undertaking. There is no automatic sanction if they go back on it. Faced with multiple instances of charities profiling potential donors in secret (not a million miles away from the kind of surreptitious data gathering that attracts her current ire), Denham’s response was reportedly to cut the originally proposed fines, such that Oxfam was fined just £6000. Late in 2017, Sheriff Denham issued an enforcement notice against the Ministry of Justice over shameful and long-running subject access backlogs that doubtlessly affected many people in desperate legal circumstances. She gave them eight months to comply and sneaked the notice out on the last working day before Christmas without a press release.

You can tell me that the ICO has consistently issued monetary penalties on Denham’s watch but so did Graham, though the double whammy of £400,000 CMPs on both TalkTalk and Carphone Warehouse weigh against my argument to some extent. But beyond those, Denham has done nothing revolutionary or interesting in enforcement. There has been no action on accuracy or retention, and little on the vital first principle beyond the charity cases that were obviously started under Graham.

Outwardly, Denham seems poised and plausible. Fate has dealt her the biggest data protection story in a decade and some overly sympathetic press coverage, so maybe she’s right to milk it and build up her part. There’s no question that she has a higher public profile than any of the Commissioners who have gone before her, and I know a lot of people in the DP world who think that this is automatically a good thing. I’m not convinced. I think ‘data crimes are real crimes’ could become as unhelpful a distraction as the pervasive ‘GDPR = consent’ myth, and nothing about the past two years convinces me that Denham really has what it takes to round up the internet’s outlaws. As always, I will delighted to be proved wrong; some eyecatching monster scalps is what I have spent years of blogging asking for, and it will make my job easier for the next few years. But unless she really pulls out the big guns, the Commissioner’s legacy may be less Gunfight at the IT Corral, and more Denham’s Last Stand.

 

“masterclass in not answering questions”

Just about a month ago, I had a little Twitter disagreement with Paul-Olivier Dehaye, patron saint of subject access requests. He said his tool for making subject access was brilliant and revolutionary, and I said it was shit. There was a bit more to it than that, but I was hoping to make this a short blog.

The use of third parties to make subject access requests on one’s behalf is not new – solicitors have always done it, and companies have made batched SARs at least since the bank charges furore of the last decade. The problem with a third party – or automation of the process – is that it gives the Data Controller something to play with. Dehaye admitted to me that in all the time he spent developing his SAR tool, he didn’t speak to anyone with any experience of dealing with SARs from the controller’s perspective, and it shows.

Even though one of Dehaye’s tedious cheerleaders told me that SARs were going to be “frictionless” post-GDPR, there are inevitably some bumps in the road when asking for data even in this Brave New World. The Data Controller needs to identify the application properly, and the involvement of a third party might complicate that – or might be exploited to complicate that, as anyone who has ever dealt with a poorly-written solicitor SAR can probably tell you. If there is a lot of data, the controller can ask the subject to narrow the scope of their request. If they believe that the request is unfounded or excessive, they can make a charge, or even refuse. An automated third party doesn’t make any of this easier.

Ironically given his status as pro-DP activist, I think Dehaye wants SARs to seem difficult. “In my own experience, SARs are complicated to do in a way that properly defends data subject rights” he said, but given that he’s building a business based on data, he kind of would say that. When I first encountered him, Dehaye told me that he was planning to charge subjects for using his tool; while that plan might have changed, he gets evasive when you ask whether he might charge for add-on services in the future. One of the main advantages of GDPR for the subject is that SARs are now free – the best way to exercise the right is to ask for the data direct, without the involvement of a politically-motivated middleman whose company isn’t even in the EU. I voted Remain and I think Brexit is moronic, but that doesn’t mean that weaponising SARs is a good idea. After all, someone might turn round and do it to you.

I decided to make a SAR to Dehaye’s company on the 25th May. His response, though admirably swift, wasn’t exactly the zenith of transparency that one might have hoped for. One might even describe it as a masterclass in not answering questions. I provided a variety of different email addresses and phone numbers that the company might hold in relation to me – the purpose of this was to allow the data controller to identify whether any of my data was held. I did the same thing with my request to Experian – I don’t know what data Experian holds on me, so I provided all the possible identifiers that I could think of. I don’t know what, if any, data Dehaye or his company might hold, so I needed to provide a variety of different identifiers.

EDIT: in response to a request from the data controller, click here for the full text of my request (redacted only to remove personal data that is not in the public domain) and the full text of their reply.

Article 12 of GDPR states that “The controller shall facilitate the exercise of data subject rights under Articles 15 to 22” and shall answer requests unless it “demonstrates that it is not in a position to identify the data subject” – it is plainly correct for the controller to want to know who the applicant is, in order to avoid giving data to the wrong person. However, Recital 64 says that the controller’s measures to identify the subject must be “reasonable“. Dehaye demanded that I send a separate request from each of the email addresses I specified. This means that he thinks that if an organisation has harvested emails from a variety of sources, the controller only has to disclose data if they receive confirmation from that account that it is linked to the subject. So if a person applies from a Gmail account, and the controller has harvested a work email address, even if they have linked the two together, Dehaye doesn’t think that the subject is entitled to the work-related data unless they make a separate request.

Similarly, I provided my home address, my 2 mobile numbers (business and personal) and my landline. Bear in mind, a data controller may have harvested all of this data, so the SAR applicant might need to provide it in order to say this is me, this is my data, do you have it? Dehaye’s response to this part of my request was to demand copies of phone bills for each account, and a recent utility bill for the home address. Clearly, this is the approach he would advocate for any data controller faced with such a request. As it happens, my girlfriend’s name is on the landline account, so I cannot prove that the landline is my personal data, even though it is. One of my mobiles is pay-as-you-go, so I don’t get bills, and the work mobile is on my website, and so can be linked to me without the need for unnecessary proof. As with most people, I receive electronic utility bills, and do not have them immediately to hand. Dehaye’s approach seems to be that if a Data Controller has harvested your data, subject access requires the applicant to provide a lot more personal data in order to get access.

The point of the ID check is to ensure that the person is who they say they are – once that’s done, if the controller has doubts about whether an identifier does link back to the subject (i.e. an email address), they can check, or just send any relevant data to that separate identifier. If Dehaye thinks that his approach is legally correct, there is no reason why Leave.EU, Vote Leave or any other organisation shouldn’t do exactly the same thing if they receive a SAR from now on. When I asked him in April how his tool would deal with the ID element he said “Let’s set the standard” – now we know what that looks like. It looks like giving huge quantities of personal data to someone you don’t trust.

This is a no-win – either Dehaye’s approach is right, and I have to go through an administrative nightmare when SAR-ing organisations that grab data from anywhere they can get it, providing them with a fat dossier of extra information before I can get access, or Dehaye is a hypocrite who complains about hurdles to subject access but builds a wall when asked to practice what he preaches. In any case, if Dehaye’s obstructive and unhelpful approach was correct, it would still be easier to handle without the added complication of a middleman.

UPDATE 28/5/18: Mr Dehaye has admitted that he deliberately adopted an obstructive approach because he thinks I am a trouble-maker. I believe that this is a clear breach of the GDPR; if the Data Controller Personal Data.IO is capable of playing these kinds of games, and deliberately discriminates against data subjects, I think this seriously undermines their credibility to act as an agent for other people’s SARS. The company is setting a cynical, obstructive example, and it would be catastrophic for subject rights if other controllers followed their lead.